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바바라 조던, 1976년 민주당 전당대회 기조연설 (Barbara Charline Jordan, 1976 Democratic National Convention Keynote Address)

by 섭섭한형제 2023. 2. 3.

연설 모습

Thank you ladies and gentlemen for a very warm reception.


신사 숙녀 여러분, 따뜻한 환영에 감사드립니다.


It was one hundred and forty-four years ago that members of the Democratic Party first met in convention to select a Presidential candidate. Since that time, Democrats have continued to convene once every four years and draft a party platform and nominate a Presidential candidate. And our meeting this week is a continuation of that tradition. But there is something different about tonight. There is something special about tonight. What is different? What is special?


민주당 의원들이 처음으로 전당대회를 열어 대선 후보를 선출한 것은 144년 전입니다. 이후 민주당은 4년에 한 번씩 계속 소집해 당론 초안을 작성하고 대선 후보를 지명했습니다. 그리고 이번 주 우리의 만남은 그 전통의 연속입니다. 하지만 오늘 밤은 뭔가 달라요. 오늘 밤은 뭔가 특별한 것이 있어요. 무엇이 다릅니까? 무엇이 특별한가요?


I, Barbara Jordan, am a keynote speaker.


When -- A lot of years passed since 1832, and during that time it would have been most unusual for any national political party to ask a Barbara Jordan to deliver a keynote address. But tonight, here I am. And I feel -- I feel that notwithstanding the past that my presence here is one additional bit of evidence that the American Dream need not forever be deferred.


1832년에서 오랜 세월이 흘러 그동안 어느 정당이 바바라 조던에게 기조연설을 의뢰하는 것은 극히 이례적인 일이었습니다만 오늘 밤은 여기에 있습니다 그리고 저는 -- 과거에도 불구하고 여기에 제가 있다는 것은 아메리칸드림이 영원히 연기될 필요는 없다는 또 다른 증거라고 느끼고 있습니다.


Now -- Now that I have this grand distinction, what in the world am I supposed to say? I could easily spend this time praising the accomplishments of this party and attacking the Republicans -- but I don't choose to do that. I could list the many problems which Americans have. I could list the problems which cause people to feel cynical, angry, frustrated: problems which include lack of integrity in government; the feeling that the individual no longer counts; the reality of material and spiritual poverty; the feeling that the grand American experiment is failing or has failed. I could recite these problems, and then I could sit down and offer no solutions. But I don't choose to do that either. The citizens of America expect more. They deserve and they want more than a recital of problems.


자,--자, 저는 이 큰 차이를 알았습니다만, 도대체 뭐라고 말하면 좋을까요? 저는 이 당의 공적을 칭찬하고 공화당을 공격하는 것은 쉽게 할 수 있지만, 저는 그렇게 하는 것을 선택하지 않습니다. 미국인들이 안고 있는 많은 문제들을 들 수 있습니다. 저는 사람들을 비꼬거나 화나게 하거나 좌절감을 느끼게 하는 문제를 들 수 있습니다. 여기에는 정부의 성실성 결여, 개인이 더 이상 중요하지 않다는 감정, 물질적 및 정신적 빈곤의 현실, 웅장한 미국의 실험이 실패하고 있거나 실패하고 있다는 감정이 포함됩니다. 저는 이 문제들을 암송할 수 있었지만 앉아서 해결책을 제시할 수는 없었습니다. 하지만 저도 그렇게 하는 것을 선택하지 않아요. 미국 국민들은 더 기대하고 있습니다. 그들은 가치가 있고 반복되는 문제 그 이상의 것을 원합니다.


We are a people in a quandary about the present. We are a people in search of our future. We are a people in search of a national community. We are a people trying not only to solve the problems of the present, unemployment, inflation, but we are attempting on a larger scale to fulfill the promise of America. We are attempting to fulfill our national purpose, to create and sustain a society in which all of us are equal.


우리는 지금 현재에 대해 막막한 국민입니다. 우리는 미래를 추구하는 민족입니다. 우리는 국민공동체를 요구하는 국민입니다. 우리는 현재의 실업, 인플레이션 문제를 해결하려고 할 뿐만 아니라 미국의 약속을 이행하기 위해 더 큰 규모로 노력하고 있습니다. 우리는 국가의 목적을 달성하고 우리 모두가 평등한 사회를 만들고 유지하려고 합니다.


Throughout -- Throughout our history, when people have looked for new ways to solve their problems and to uphold the principles of this nation, many times they have turned to political parties. They have often turned to the Democratic Party. What is it? What is it about the Democratic Party that makes it the instrument the people use when they search for ways to shape their future? Well I believe the answer to that question lies in our concept of governing. Our concept of governing is derived from our view of people. It is a concept deeply rooted in a set of beliefs firmly etched in the national conscience of all of us.


우리 역사를 통틀어 문제를 해결하고 이 나라의 원칙을 지키기 위해 새로운 방법을 모색해 왔을 때 그들은 여러 차례 정당으로 눈을 돌렸습니다. 그들은 종종 민주당에 의존해 왔습니다. 그게 뭐예요? 민주당이 미래를 형성할 수단을 찾을 때 사용하는 도구로 삼고 있는 것은 무엇일까요? 이 의문에 대한 답은 통치의 개념에 있다고 생각합니다. 우리 통치의 개념은 사람들에 대한 우리의 시각에서 유래했습니다. 그것은 우리 모두 나라의 양심에 단단히 각인된 일련의 신념에 깊이 뿌리박은 개념입니다.


Now what are these beliefs? First, we believe in equality for all and privileges for none. This is a belief -- This is a belief that each American, regardless of background, has equal standing in the public forum -- all of us. Because -- Because we believe this idea so firmly, we are an inclusive rather than an exclusive party. Let everybody come.


이 신념들은 무엇일까요? 첫째, 우리는 모든 사람에게 평등하고 누구에게도 특권이 없다고 믿습니다. 이것은 신념입니다--이것은 미국인은 누구나, 어떤 배경이 있더라도, 퍼블릭 포럼에서 평등한 지위를 가지고 있다는 신념입니다--우리 모두입니다. 왜냐하면--우리는 이 생각을 굳게 믿기 때문입니다.우리는 배타적인 정당이 아니라 포괄적인 정당이니 모두를 오게 하세요.


I think it no accident that most of those immigrating to America in the 19th century identified with the Democratic Party. We are a heterogeneous party made up of Americans of diverse backgrounds. We believe that the people are the source of all governmental power; that the authority of the people is to be extended, not restricted.


19세기에 미국으로 이주한 사람들 대부분이 민주당과 동일시된 것은 우연이 아니라고 생각합니다. 우리는 다양한 배경을 가진 미국인으로 구성된 이질적인 정당입니다. 우리는 국민은 모든 정부 권력의 원천이며 국민의 권한은 제한되는 것이 아니라 확대되어야 한다고 믿습니다.


This -- This can be accomplished only by providing each citizen with every opportunity to participate in the management of the government. They must have that, we believe. We believe that the government which represents the authority of all the people, not just one interest group, but all the people, has an obligation to actively -- underscore actively -- seek to remove those obstacles which would block individual achievement -- obstacles emanating from race, sex, economic condition. The government must remove them, seek to remove them.


이는 국민 개개인이 정부 운영에 참여할 수 있는 모든 기회를 제공함으로써만 실현될 수 있습니다. 그들은 그것을 가지고 있는 것이 틀림없어요. 우리는 하나의 이익집단뿐만 아니라 모든 국민의 권위를 대표하는 정부는 개인의 달성을 가로막는 장애, 즉 인종, 성별, 경제상황에서 발생하는 장애를 적극적으로 제거할 의무가 있다고 믿습니다. 정부는 그것들을 제거하고 제거할 것을 요구해야 합니다.


We -- We are a party -- We are a party of innovation. We do not reject our traditions, but we are willing to adapt to changing circumstances, when change we must. We are willing to suffer the discomfort of change in order to achieve a better future. We have a positive vision of the future founded on the belief that the gap between the promise and reality of America can one day be finally closed. We believe that.


우리는--파티입니다--우리는 혁신의 파티입니다. 우리는 전통을 거부하지 않지만 변화가 필요할 때는 변화하는 상황에 기꺼이 적응합니다. 우리는 더 나은 미래를 달성하기 위해 변화의 불쾌감을 기꺼이 받습니다. 우리는 미래에 대해 긍정적인 비전을 가지고 있습니다.미국의 약속과 현실의 간극은 언젠가 마침내 닫힐 것이라는 신념에 근거하고 있습니다. 저희는 그렇게 믿습니다.


This, my friends is the bedrock of our concept of governing. This is a part of the reason why Americans have turned to the Democratic Party. These are the foundations upon which a national community can be built. Let all understand that these guiding principles cannot be discarded for short-term political gains. They represent what this country is all about. They are indigenous to the American idea. And these are principles which are not negotiable.


이것은 제 친구들이 우리 통치 개념의 기반입니다. 이것이 미국인들이 민주당으로 눈을 돌린 이유 중 하나입니다. 이것들은 국민 커뮤니티를 구축하기 위한 기초입니다. 이러한 지침은 단기적인 정치적 이익을 위해 버려지지 않는다는 것을 여러분이 이해해 주셨으면 합니다. 그것들은 이 나라의 모든 것을 나타냅니다. 그들은 미국 독자적인 생각입니다. 그리고 이것들은 협상 불가능한 원칙입니다.


In other times -- In other times, I could stand here and give this kind of exposition on the beliefs of the Democratic Party and that would be enough. But today that is not enough. People want more. That is not sufficient reason for the majority of the people of this country to decide to vote Democratic. We have made mistakes. We realize that. We admit our mistakes. In our haste to do all things for all people, we did not foresee the full consequences of our actions. And when the people raised their voices, we didn't hear. But our deafness was only a temporary condition, and not an irreversible condition.


다른 때에는--다른 때에는, 저는 여기 서서 민주당의 신념에 대해 이런 설명을 할 수 있고, 그것만으로 충분합니다. 하지만 오늘은 그것만으로는 충분하지 않습니다. 사람들은 더 갖고 싶어해요. 그것은 이 나라의 대다수 사람들이 민주당에 투표하기로 결정할 충분한 이유가 아닙니다. 우리는 실수를 했습니다. 우리는 그것을 깨닫습니다. 우리는 잘못을 인정합니다. 모든 사람을 위해 모든 것을 서두르고 있었기 때문에 우리는 우리의 행동이 모든 결과를 가져올 것이라고 예상하지 못했습니다. 사람들이 소리를 질러도 들리지 않았지만 청각 장애는 일시적인 것이지 돌이킬 수 없는 것은 아닙니다.


Even as I stand here and admit that we have made mistakes, I still believe that as the people of America sit in judgment on each party, they will recognize that our mistakes were mistakes of the heart. They'll recognize that.


저는 여기 서서 자신들이 잘못했다는 것을 인정하면서도 미국 국민들은 각자 정당의 판단을 하고 있기 때문에 우리의 잘못은 마음의 잘못임을 인식해 줄 것이라고 믿습니다. 그들은 그것을 알아차릴 것입니다.


And now -- now we must look to the future. Let us heed the voice of the people and recognize their common sense. If we do not, we not only blaspheme our political heritage, we ignore the common ties that bind all Americans. Many fear the future. Many are distrustful of their leaders, and believe that their voices are never heard. Many seek only to satisfy their private work -- wants; to satisfy their private interests. But this is the great danger America faces -- that we will cease to be one nation and become instead a collection of interest groups: city against suburb, region against region, individual against individual; each seeking to satisfy private wants. If that happens, who then will speak for America? Who then will speak for the common good?


그리고 지금 우리는 미래로 눈을 돌려야 합니다. 국민의 목소리에 귀를 기울이고 상식을 인정하세요. 그렇지 않으면 우리는 정치적 유산을 모독할 뿐만 아니라 모든 미국인을 묶는 공통의 연결고리를 무시합니다. 많은 사람들이 미래를 두려워하고 있습니다. 많은 사람들은 지도자를 불신하고 있고, 그들의 목소리는 결코 들리지 않는다고 믿습니다. 많은 사람들은 자신의 개인적인 일, 즉 욕구를 채우려고만 할 뿐 자신의 개인적인 이익을 채우려고 합니다. 하지만 이것은 미국이 직면한 큰 위험입니다. 우리가 하나의 나라가 되는 것을 그만두고 대신 이익집단의 모임이 되겠다는 것입니다. 교외에 반대하는 도시, 지역에 반대하는 지역, 개인에 반대하는 개인입니다. 각자 개인의 욕구를 충족시키려고 하는 것입니다. 그렇게 되면 누가 미국의 대변자가 될까요? 그럼 누가 공익을 대변할까요?


This is the question which must be answered in 1976: Are we to be one people bound together by common spirit, sharing in a common endeavor; or will we become a divided nation? For all of its uncertainty, we cannot flee the future. We must not become the "New Puritans" and reject our society. We must address and master the future together. It can be done if we restore the belief that we share a sense of national community, that we share a common national endeavor. It can be done.


이것은 1976년에 대답해야 할 문제입니다.우리는 공통의 정신으로 맺어져 공통의 노력을 공유하는 하나의 민족이 될 것인가, 분단국가가 될 것인가. 그 불확실성에도 불구하고 우리는 미래에서 벗어날 수 없습니다. 우리는 '신청교도'가 되어서는 안 되며, 우리 사회를 거부해서는 안 됩니다. 우리는 함께 미래에 임하고 숙달해야 합니다. 국가 공동체 의식을 공유하고 국가 공동의 노력을 공유한다는 신념을 회복하면 가능합니다. 그건 가능하니까요.


There is no executive order; there is no law that can require the American people to form a national community. This we must do as individuals, and if we do it as individuals, there is no President of the United States who can veto that decision.


행정명령도 없고, 미국 국민에게 국가공동체를 형성하도록 의무화하는 법률도 없습니다. 이것은 우리가 개인으로서 해야 하고, 만약 우리가 개인으로서 그것을 한다면, 그 결정을 거부할 수 있는 미국 대통령은 없습니다.


As a first step -- As a first step, we must restore our belief in ourselves. We are a generous people, so why can't we be generous with each other? We need to take to heart the words spoken by Thomas Jefferson:


첫걸음으로--첫걸음으로, 우리는 우리 자신에 대한 신뢰를 회복해야 합니다. 우리는 관대한 사람인데 왜 서로 관대해질 수 없나요? 토마스 제퍼슨이 말한 것을 기억해야 합니다.

Let us restore the social intercourse -- "Let us restore to social intercourse that harmony and that affection without which liberty and even life are but dreary things."


사회적 관계를 회복합시다. "자유와 삶이 없는 조화와 애정을 사회적 관계로 회복합시다."


A nation is formed by the willingness of each of us to share in the responsibility for upholding the common good. A government is invigorated when each one of us is willing to participate in shaping the future of this nation. In this election year, we must define the "common good" and begin again to shape a common future. Let each person do his or her part. If one citizen is unwilling to participate, all of us are going to suffer. For the American idea, though it is shared by all of us, is realized in each one of us.


한 나라는 공통의 이익을 지킬 책임을 공유하겠다는 우리 개개인의 의지에 의해 형성됩니다. 우리 한 사람 한 사람이 이 나라의 미래를 형성하는 데 적극적으로 참여함으로써 정부는 활기를 띨 것입니다. 이번 선거 해에는 공통의 선을 정의하고 다시 공통의 미래를 형성해야 합니다. 각자의 역할을 다하겠습니다. 한 시민이 참여하고 싶지 않으면 우리 모두가 고통받게 됩니다. 미국인의 사고방식은 우리 모두가 공유하고 있지만, 우리 개개인 안에서 실현되고 있는 것입니다.



And now, what are those of us who are elected public officials supposed to do? We call ourselves "public servants" but I'll tell you this: We as public servants must set an example for the rest of the nation. It is hypocritical for the public official to admonish and exhort the people to uphold the common good if we are derelict in upholding the common good. More is required -- More is required of public officials than slogans and handshakes and press releases. More is required. We must hold ourselves strictly accountable. We must provide the people with a vision of the future.


그렇다면 공직에 선출된 우리는 어떻게 해야 할까요? 우리는 스스로를 공무원이라고 부르는데, 이것을 말씀드리겠습니다. 공무원으로서 우리는 국가의 모범을 보여야 합니다. 공공의 이익을 지키는 것을 게을리한다면 국민에게 공공의 이익을 지키라고 충고하고 권고하는 것은 위선입니다. 더 필요합니다--구호나 악수, 보도자료 이상의 것이 공무원에게 요구되고 있습니다. 자세한 내용이 필요합니다. 우리는 엄격하게 책임을 져야 합니다. 우리는 국민에게 미래의 비전을 제공해야 합니다.


If we promise as public officials, we must deliver. If -- If we as public officials propose, we must produce. If we say to the American people, "It is time for you to be sacrificial" -- sacrifice. If the public official says that, we [public officials] must be the first to give. We must be. And again, if we make mistakes, we must be willing to admit them. We have to do that. What we have to do is strike a balance between the idea that government should do everything and the idea, the belief, that government ought to do nothing. Strike a balance.


공무원으로서 약속한다면 반드시 이루어야 합니다. 만약 -- 우리가 공무원으로서 제안한다면, 우리는 생산해야 합니다. 우리가 미국 국민에게 "지금이야말로 당신이 희생할 때입니다"라고 말한다면 희생입니다. 공무원이 그렇게 말한다면 우리[공무원]가 먼저 줘야 해요. 그렇죠. 다시 말하면 실수를 했더라도 그걸 인정해야 돼요 그래야 돼요. 우리가 해야 할 일은 정부가 무엇이든 해야 한다는 생각과 정부가 아무것도 해서는 안 된다는 생각의 균형을 맞추는 것입니다. 균형을 잡으세요.


Let there be no illusions about the difficulty of forming this kind of a national community. It's tough, difficult, not easy. But a spirit of harmony will survive in America only if each of us remembers that we share a common destiny; if each of us remembers, when self-interest and bitterness seem to prevail, that we share a common destiny.


이런 종류의 민족 공동체를 형성하는 것의 어려움에 환상을 품어서는 안 됩니다. 그것은 어렵고 쉽지 않습니다. 하지만 조화의 정신은 우리 개개인이 공통의 운명을 공유하고 있다는 것을 기억해야만 미국에서 살아남을 수 있습니다. 만약 사리사욕과 쓴맛이 이기고 있는 것처럼 보일 때 우리 개개인이 공통의 운명을 공유하고 있다는 것을 기억한다면 말입니다.


I have confidence that we can form this kind of national community.

I have confidence that the Democratic Party can lead the way.

I have that confidence.


저는 우리가 이런 국가 공동체를 형성할 수 있다는 자신감을 가지고 있습니다.
민주당이 앞장설 수 있다는 자신감이 있습니다.
저도 그런 자신감이 있어요.


We cannot improve on the system of government handed down to us by the founders of the Republic. There is no way to improve upon that. But what we can do is to find new ways to implement that system and realize our destiny.


우리는 공화국의 창설자들이 우리에게 전해 온 정부 시스템을 개선할 수 없습니다. 그것을 개선할 방법은 없습니다. 그러나 우리가 할 수 있는 일은 그 시스템을 구현하고 우리의 운명을 실현하는 새로운 방법을 찾는 것입니다.


Now I began this speech by commenting to you on the uniqueness of a Barbara Jordan making a keynote address. Well I am going to close my speech by quoting a Republican President and I ask you that as you listen to these words of Abraham Lincoln, relate them to the concept of a national community in which every last one of us participates:


이 연설의 첫머리에서 바바라 조던이 기조연설을 하는 독특함에 대해 이야기했는데, 저는 공화당 대통령의 말을 인용하여 연설을 마무리하고자 합니다.그리고 여러분이 아브라함 링컨의 말을 듣고 있을 때, 그것들을 우리 모두가 참여하는 국가 공동체의 개념과 연관시키십시오.

"As I would not be a slave, so I would not be a master." This -- This -- "This expresses my idea of Democracy. Whatever differs from this, to the extent of the difference, is no Democracy."


내가 노예가 되지 않기 때문에 주인이 되지 않습니다. 이것은--이것은 제 민주주의에 대한 생각을 나타냅니다. 이것과 무엇이 다르더라도 차이의 정도로는 민주주의가 아닙니다.


Thank you.




바바라 조던은 누구?

바바라 조던

바바라 찰라인 조던(Barbara Charline Jordan, 1936년 2월 21일 ~ 1996년 1월 17일)은 미국의 변호사, 교육자, 정치인으로 시민권 운동의 리더였다.

민주당원인 그녀는 재건 이후 텍사스 상원에 당선된 최초의 흑인 여성이자 미국 하원에 당선된 최초의 남부 흑인 여성이었다. 조던은 리처드 닉슨에 대한 탄핵 과정에서 하원 법사위 청문회에서 웅변적인 개회사를 한 것으로 알려져 있다.

1976년, 그녀는 민주당 전당대회에서 기조연설을 한 최초의 흑인이자 최초의 여성이 되었다. 그녀는 많은 다른 영예들 중에서 대통령 자유 훈장을 받았습니다.

그녀는 텍사스주립묘지에 안장된 최초의 흑인 여성이었다. 조던은 또한 미국 이민개혁위원회 의장으로도 잘 알려져 있다.